Neues Deutschland published this article by Anastasia Spartak in German on 21.02.2025. Antifascist Europe is publishing this translation with the permission of the newspaper’s editorial staff.

In August 2022, an unusual piece of graffiti appeared along a busy railway line in Moscow. It read “Antifa” in Russian, next to a Z—the symbol of pro-war supporters in Russia. Later, unknown individuals altered the graffiti: they crossed out the Z and added the message, “Fascism will not prevail! Death to imperialism!”

This seemingly minor episode reflects the deepening rift among Russian antifascists in response to the war in Ukraine—and highlights the ideological contradictions within the global left-wing movement. The reasons for this division become evident when viewed in light of the historical ties between Russia and Germany. On the one hand, Russian antifascists invoke the collective memory of the Soviet Union’s struggle against Nazi Germany, which claimed millions of lives. On the other hand, they draw inspiration from the Antifa subculture, which made its way to post-Soviet Russia from present-day Germany.

“Russians Against Fascism”

Antifascism as a political practice was introduced to Russia’s left-wing circles by anarchists who, amid the wild capitalism of the 1990s, managed to build horizontal networks across several major cities. Since Russia’s anarchist tradition had been interrupted after the 1917 revolution, new organisations emerged based on Western models. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, left-wing activists adopted practices from Germany—primarily through the magazine Black Star. This development led to the rise of underground magazines (zines), the Anarchist Black Cross, environmental camps, the Indymedia platform, the Black Bloc, and, ultimately, Antifa.

Russia’s antifascist movement took root in the subcultural scene of punks and skinheads as a response to right-wing extremist violence in the early 2000s. Russian Antifa traces its lineage to the Antifascist Action of German Communist Party leader Ernst Thälmann, which is why it adopted the symbols of German communists—red and black flags in a circle—along with their slogans and even a love for the St. Pauli football club.

For Russian Antifa, Western antiracism and internationalism blended seamlessly with the commemoration of the Great Patriotic War. Antifascism became a unifying force, bringing together individuals with diverse political views and motives—skinheads and punks, anarchists and patriots, human rights activists and football hooligans—against neo-Nazis. “I am a Russian guy. I am a patriot of my country. I’m not ashamed of that. That’s why I believe there can be no fascism in this country!” declared the organisers of an Antifa rally titled “Russians Against Fascism” in Moscow on November 4, 2009, the Day of National Unity. Right-wing extremists had chosen this holiday for their main event, the “Russian March,” which had ended at the Kremlin walls a year earlier.

The domain name Antifa.ru was registered in 2001, and the website went live two years later. In Moscow and St. Petersburg, the first self-defense groups calling themselves Antifa emerged from the subcultural milieu. On November 13, 2005, neo-Nazis stabbed the antifascist Timur Kacharava to death in St. Petersburg. Neo-Nazis targeted and murdered antifascists, while antifascists formed militant groups and attacked neo-Nazi events such as “Russian Marches,” rallies, and concerts.

By 2014, Antifa had disappeared from public life in Russia. This was due to conflicts with the authorities and internal divisions. The police cracked down indiscriminately, imprisoning both right-wing extremists and antifascists alike. Absurd charges were fabricated against antifascists, and confessions were extracted through torture. The most infamous cases were the “Antifa-RASH” case in 2011 and the so-called “Network” case in 2018. The subcultural recruitment scene also collapsed—skinheads and punks simply went out of fashion. Today, only small, scattered groups remain in various cities, further fractured after 2022.

Torture Against Internationalists

The antiwar faction within Russian Antifa can broadly be categorised as “internationalists.” They align with the left-wing tradition of international solidarity, reject Russian imperialism, and cannot forgive the Kremlin for its past collaboration with the far right, its murder of comrades, and ongoing repression.

In Russia’s media space, “internationalists” are represented by the Antifa.ru project, which marked its 20th anniversary in November 2021. When Russia invaded Ukraine, the platform released an antiwar statement condemning the misuse of antifascist rhetoric to justify nationalist imperial aggression, calling it an insult to the victims of the Great Patriotic War.

The “internationalist” position has since become mainstream within Russian Antifa. In response, Russian authorities have unleashed intense repression, with police raids occurring simultaneously in multiple cities. On August 10, 2022, it was reported that antifascists Ilya Vinogradov and Daniil Ivanov had been detained in Krasnoyarsk for allegedly painting antiwar slogans on a military recruitment office. In December 2022, police raided a bar in Krasnoyarsk, explicitly searching for “antifascists.”

The most notable case of repression against antifascists in this era became known as the “Tyumen case.” Between late August and early September 2022, six men were arrested in Yekaterinburg, Surgut, and Tyumen. They were accused of forming a “terrorist organization” and planning bomb attacks on military and police facilities, as well as sabotage on railway lines used to transport Russian military supplies to Ukraine. After their arrest, all six initially pleaded guilty but later told their lawyers that they had been coerced into confessing under torture.

“Red Patriots” in the War

Among the antifascists who support Russia’s war against Ukraine is a faction that can be described as “red patriots.” They derive their identity from the USSR’s fight against fascism and believe that a new iteration of fascism has emerged in Ukraine, backed by NATO.

On August 27, 2014, Anton Fatulayev, a Moscow-based antifascist known as “Dolbila”, was killed in Luhansk while fighting as a volunteer for the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics. A year earlier, he had been released from prison after serving time for a subway stabbing involving far-right hooligans. His release had been supported by the Anarchist Black Cross. On social media, Anton criticised antifascist groups for condemning “Russian imperialist aggression” and insulted Ukrainian antifascists supporting Kyiv’s Arsenal football club who wanted to fight for Ukraine.

Exactly eight years later, in the midst of the war, a small Telegram channel called 161 Crew appeared. Its first post was a photo of Anton. The channel became the voice of a group of Russian antifascists who not only supported the war but sought to fight on the front lines. It shared photos of masked men in uniform displaying red and black antifascist insignia.

“There are all kinds of people among us, from mainstream antifascists to skins. Whether someone is a communist or not doesn’t matter to us. We care about their actions. But one thing is clear: we are all antifascists, and we want the bloodshed to end as soon as possible. As patriots of Russia, we believe the only way to achieve this is through Russia’s ultimate victory,” stated 161 Crew. The channel has since been deleted.

Cracks in the Mirror

The war in Ukraine presented both neo-Nazis and antifascists with a paradox. Should “defenders of the white race” side with Ukraine against “neo-Bolshevik Putin,” or should they support Russia in its fight against “leftist Gayropa”? Likewise, leftists questioned who the true internationalists were in a war where the Kremlin invoked “denazification,” Ukraine was backed by the U.S., and openly far-right units fought on both sides.

Three years later, it is clear that the war has emboldened the far right worldwide. With these rising tensions, the left has struggled to articulate a coherent stance. The divisions within Russian Antifa reflect these contradictions and may eventually help overcome them.